Tough times home and abroad

It has been a different trip for Musharraf, when he took off for his Western ‘friends’ who have given him a ‘cold shoulder’ this time and have linked future aid with free and fair elections that his regime has promised to hold. However disturbing realities point towards rigging, which is designed to favour the members of PML(Q)—the most favourite of Musharraf himself.
As the armed forces of the country have finally launched a large scale operation as opposed to mere ‘deployment’ which was evident previously, the prospects of some face-saving seem likely especially so in the background of advances made by the army as well as successive defense of a strategic tunnel-the Pakistan-Japanese Friendship tunnel. Not only this, they have been able to recover some of the trucks of ammunition that went missing after militants had outsmarted some personnel of the armed forces and controlled some trucks full of enough ammunition which reportedly were sufficient for militants for two years (according to estimates by Daily Times, Editorial).
However the armed forces had to suffer casualties as well when 13 of its soldiers were found beheaded—a brutal method adopted by militants with no element of justice meted out to prisoners of such battles who should be treated as prisoners of war should be. However, headed under a more acceptable army chief and in the absence of any political commitment on his part promises to lift the morale of the armed forces in this self-inflicted ‘war on terror’ and his effort to reach out to every soldier under his command in an attempt to rationalize the task ahead for the armed forces and its responsibility. This strategy or more like reaffirmation of the role of every soldier as part of this sacred institution is already paying some rich dividends.
The renunciation of any political role for the armed forces by General Kiani was also a positive step in this regard. Political involvement of the army has necessarily meant disengagement from the task of defending the country from integration both within and from outside and also confuses the soldier who is unable to perform his duty with conviction. This is especially so when the hands of the armed forces are tainted with politics and the corruption and inefficiency that is a by-product of it which exposes it to criticisms from all segments of the society as well as neglects vital interests of the state.
It is this very separation of duties which the West was convinced was necessary to provide a fresh impetus to the armed forces and coupled with the domestic pressure in the wake of the lawyers’ movement, there was no option for Musharraf but to don his uniform.
However, now the West looks towards the electoral process of Pakistan to be carried out in the same way that it has set standards for itself. Without any doubt only this can accomplish the ‘mission’ Musharraf has set often dubbing it as his ‘third transition towards democracy’. How can one say for sure that provided, that Musharraf goes on to democratization of Pakistan (one doubts his sincerity in doing so by acquiescing to rigging), another usurper in the future may not interrupt it just as Musharraf did and set new goals to be achieved which leads towards ‘real democracy’ as perceived by the prospective usurper? This is where Musharraf’s illegal coup of 1999 is bound to get exposed as nothing short of an obsession with real politics and a political role for himself and hence the armed forces of this country. There is no justification when the only criterion for intervention is the subjective interpretation of that individual to the concept ‘national interest’ which lacks any formal representation over those governed and hence is illegitimate and unjust right at the outset. Institutions are by-passed and the defects of one-man rule and lack of accountability as well as lack of participation of representatives of people in policy formulation and implementation phase reflects in an ‘all-crises’ situation in Pakistan, the energy crises being the best example in this context.
At the peak of his power after forming his government in the wake of breakdown of Pakistan, Bhutto was wise enough to proclaim openly that dictatorship had not died in Pakistan with the fall of Yahya Khan--the second military ruler to interfere in purely civilian task of running the state. This was so, even when the army had lost its prestige and respect both within and from the outside, and a political role for it in the near future at least seemed unlikely. However, Bhutto was unfortunate enough when the worse came true and Zia ul Haq these odds and emerged to the power scene and hung his very ‘mohsin’ (someone to whom one owes a lot), a term used by himself for Bhutto.
It is interesting to see former generals who had interfered in the political process in the past denounce their previous steps and apologized to the nation. Although some may suggest that the apology has come a bit too late but if sincerity is not an issue, the timing can be forgiven. There was a possibility that these former generals could have done so earlier possibly during the zenith of power of a now weakened Musharraf but perhaps the provocation by Musharraf who had previously termed such personnel as if all of them were discarded incompetent bunch of collaborators led them to say openly what they had always accepted yet not admitted openly by their words and actions.
If only the armed forces could concentrate on sole issues which fall within their ambit, the country would continue to suffer from the ills that are rarely addressed in the manner that they should-by representatives of this country themselves. Without such an approach of restraint and refusal to obey illegal coup orders by all the high command of the armed forces, Pakistan would continue to fall in the dark abyss while our neigbours prosper at the cost of our own security and well-being as a sovereign nation. We are already far behind in every sphere and must not childishly insist that democracy in Pakistan cannot be equated to the liberal concepts and standards the West have set themselves (as Musharraf has said so rather naively) and cling to medieval times but must instead look towards the future where this generation and the ones to follow can find a better Pakistan, where institutions flourish and accountability is seen at all times and at levels, be that deviation of the constitution by usurpers or mis-governance by civilian administration. Only can norms such as these be firmly enrooted and understood by most of the populace as well as the stakeholders who may be tempted to encroach their duty, can we claim to have entered the twenty first century in reality with full confidence and power of the people behind it.